By Carol Zimmermann
(CNS) — The U.S. Supreme Court stepped into some contentious waters March 2 when
it heard oral arguments on abortion for the first time in nearly a decade and
almost 25 years since it issued a major ruling on abortion.
But even though some time has
gone by, the court’s 1992 ruling in Planned Parenthood vs. Casey had a front-
row seat during the recent arguments about state requirements on Texas abortion
clinics as the “undue burden” test raised in that Casey decision was frequently
mentioned in this go-round.
The Casey ruling also may have
played a part in questions posed by Justice
Anthony Kennedy, the only remaining member of the court that helped write
that opinion. And what Kennedy asked or didn’t ask March 2 is being parsed by
legal analysts and court watchers alike since he will likely be the deciding vote in the Texas case.
its previous abortion case in 2007, the Supreme Court ruled
5-4 to uphold the federal ban on partial-birth abortion, signed into law in
2003 by President George W. Bush. The law had withstood several court
challenges on constitutional grounds before it was upheld.
Casey, the justices upheld provisions in Pennsylvania law requiring parental
consent for minors, a 24-hour waiting period before an abortion, filing of
detailed reports about each abortion and distribution of information about
alternatives to abortion. It struck down a requirement that married women need
to notify their husbands before having an abortion.
In essence, it ruled that a state
may enact abortion regulations that do not pose an “undue burden” on pregnant
The phrase “undue
burden” was the expression du jour March 2 and essentially the heart of
the argument in Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt, the challenge by Texas
abortion clinics to a 2013 state law requiring them to comply with standards of
ambulatory surgical centers and their doctors to have admitting privileges at
Opponents of the state
regulations say they are aimed at stopping abortions, because they have forced clinics to close, which in turn, they say, puts an undue
burden on women seeking abortions who have to travel farther to find an
to claims the Texas law is an effort to end abortion, Jennifer
Carr Allmon, associate director of the Texas Catholic Conference, said in a
March 2 statement: “Let’s be clear, we will end legalized abortion in
America. But that will be done directly and not through a back door regulatory
attempt. Legalized abortion will end because we are winning the hearts and
minds of young people in America through common sense and sound science.”
The Texas restrictions were signed into law in 2013, but lower-court orders have
prevented them from being fully implemented and in June, the Supreme Court
granted a request for an emergency stay, blocking enforcement of the
Before the Texas Legislature
adopted the two new restrictions, there were 41 clinics in Texas that performed
abortions, but after the law was passed — and before it was blocked by the
high court — that number dropped to 19, and is likely to drop to 10 clinics in
the state if the court upholds the law.
If the law is fully enforced,
the biggest impact will be in the western and southern part of the state. Currently,
a temporary court order allows one clinic in the Rio Grande Valley to remain
open while the case is pending.
Last year, the 5th U.S.
Circuit Court of Appeals in New Orleans largely upheld the law; so if the Supreme
Court issues a split decision, it will uphold the lower court’s decision and affect
the three states — Louisiana, Mississippi and Texas — covered by the appeals court, not setting a national
During the arguments last year before
the appeals court, the solicitor general representing Texas said the state’s
law didn’t place an “undue burden” on women who wanted an abortion
because as he put it: “The undue burden has to require something more than
driving distance; people will always have to travel to get an abortion.”
In that same courtroom, Stephanie
Toti, the plaintiff’s attorney, emphasized that the law did put an undue burden
on women, particularly in West Texas and the Rio Grande Valley. “If a
woman in El Paso has to travel 500 miles to get an abortion, that’s an undue
burden,” she said.
The issues were still front
and center in the March 2 arguments. Justice Elena Kagan said the law could
affect hundreds of thousands of women who would have to travel much farther to
reach a clinic, and Scott Keller,
solicitor general of Texas, said the major metropolitan areas in the state that
currently have clinics would continue to have them. He also noted that more
than 90 percent of Texas women live within 150 miles of an abortion clinic.
The law puts “heavy burdens on abortion access that are not
medically justified,” argued Toti, a lawyer for the Center for
Reproductive Rights in New York City referring to clinics that have closed throughout
the state just prior to the law’s enactment or right afterward.
the Guttmacher Institute, a research group that supports legal abortion, 25
states have laws or policies that regulate abortion providers and clinics that
perform surgical abortions that “go beyond what is necessary to ensure
currently require providers of either medication or surgical abortion services
to have admitting privileges at a local hospital and another 10 require the
provider to have either admitting privileges or another type of relationship
with a hospital.
In 2015, Arkansas
adopted a new restriction that requires only medication abortion providers to
have an agreement with a physician who has admitting privileges; the law does
not include a similar requirement for surgical abortion providers.
Allmon in her statement said
the “real question before the court in this case is not whether women
deserve access to abortion, but rather women deserve safe medical procedures.”
As far as how
the Supreme Court court will come down remains to be seen.
acting president and senior counsel at Americans United for Life, said the
court could either reach a 4-4 vote, hold a decision for a later date or send
it back to the trial court, which Kennedy mentioned during the oral argument.
on the argument, it did not seem that the abortion clinics would get 5 votes on
any ground,” he said in a March 2 statement.
And no matter how the court
rules, the battle over this issue will likely continue. As he put it: “We
are certainly going to find ourselves in court again arguing over laws to
protect women in abortion clinics from immediate and long-term risks.”
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Follow Zimmermann on Twitter: @carolmaczim.
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